By Victoria Ibezim-Ohaeri
Over the last decade, the resource curse in Africa has disappointingly showed minimal signs of reversal, no thanks to the store of unmet expectations of developmental progress associated with natural resource finds. No week passes without the announcement and ensuing celebration of mineral resource discoveries across Africa. These finds have rarely translated to better infrastructure; increased access to education and basic healthcare and other social and economic benefits despite the monstrous profits and the huge revenues generated from hydrocarbon, gas, gold, diamonds and many other mineral resources.
Over the last decade, the resource curse in Africa has disappointingly showed minimal signs of reversal, no thanks to the store of unmet expectations of developmental progress associated with natural resource finds. No week passes without the announcement and ensuing celebration of mineral resource discoveries across Africa. These finds have rarely translated to better infrastructure; increased access to education and basic healthcare and other social and economic benefits despite the monstrous profits and the huge revenues generated from hydrocarbon, gas, gold, diamonds and many other mineral resources.
Among several factors, the lopsided power relations between African
governments and the powerful multinationals engaged in extractive projects make
sure the flame of resource curse burns so fiercely and continually. Complex contract
deals negotiated behind closed doors far away from judicial and public scrutiny,
always tilt in favour of the multinational corporations (MNCs). The regularity
of such defective deals across the continent puts a big question mark on the capabilities
of African leaderships to effectively control their natural resources and
undertake macro-economic decision-making relating to fiscal transactions of a
complex and multinational nature. It is therefore no surprise that the
combined sales of the top 200 corporations are bigger than the combined
economies of all the countries of the world, minus the largest 10. The income
of MNCs is 18 times higher than the combined annual income of the 1.2 billion
people of poor countries (24 percent of the total world population).
Thanks to the Ford Foundation and the African Center for Economic
Transformation (ACET), I was among the team of policy experts working on natural
resources that visited the AngloGold Ashanti goldfields in Obuasi, Ghana last
week. That visit afforded an opportunity to witness firsthand, the artificial
mountains dotting the landscape of the vast goldfields created by over a
century of unrestrained soil excavation and mining operations. The deep gullies,
flooded valleys, forts including the rapidly-eroding topography in and around
the goldfields are sad testaments of the extremely harsh consequences of mining
activities on the environment, traditional livelihoods and sacred groves.
As Africa’s second largest gold producer with 23 large-scale mining
companies, gold alone constitute more than 90% of the
country’s total mineral exports. AngloGoldAshanti (ASA) is one of the leading
mining companies in Ghana, with its international mining operations spanning
over four continents. Prior to gold rush
in Obuasi, indigenous communities depended on the natural habitat for their
livelihoods, forestry, games and domestic energy needs. Presently, ancestral
lands, cash crops and economic trees on which the economic survival of
indigenous groups depend on, have been taken away to pave way for the precious
metal business to flourish. As with projects of such magnitude, host
communities are often cajoled with promises of better economic opportunities
and enhanced service delivery. These undocumented promises are not monitored
for implementation or subjected to judicial control.
Apart from the horrifying levels of environmental degradation, mining-impacted
communities in Obuasi live at the mercy of the MNCs who enthusiastically
brandish an array of development programmes they have magnanimously executed
across the country. Perhaps most telling is that these corporate social
responsibility (CSR) programmes seem to have received an official nod as
acceptable substitutes for environmental remediation and reclamation. Ghana’s
most popular CSR program is ASA’s Malaria Control Program which started as an
internal corporate strategy to improve workforce productivity. The Malaria
control programme was an initial response to the high incidence of about 2,500
employees’ monthly absenteeism, including lateness to work on account of
malaria. The program was later extended to the host communities, while a Global
Fund grant of $133.5 million dollars enabled the project to be scaled up at a
national level.
A TNC-sponsored national health program is no doubt, laudable. It is
instructive to note that multinational corporations are business entities, mainly
seeking to gain maximum return on their invested capital. However, eyebrows are raised when a
multinational company brazenly takes over the role and responsibilities of
national health institutions using funds sourced from global donor agencies. This
trend has many implications. First off, it establishes a precedent that
portrays Ghana’s health institutions as ineffective and incapable of managing
and sustaining national health-focused initiatives. Furthermore, it raises a
second question of whether private business entities can blatantly take on
roles that is traditionally assumed by the government. Thirdly, even when a community
development programme is imperative, TNCs with longstanding history and
expertise in mineral resource extraction are usually ill-equipped to institute
and oversee such large-scale projects on a sustainable basis. And importantly, should
a purely commercial, multinational entity take advantage of local problems to fundraise
globally and manage grants on behalf of its host country? The propriety of this
action is one that requires deep introspection and robust reconsideration,
especially with regard to the potential to undermine national sovereignty and
administrative independence.
Initiatives framed like ASA’s malaria control programme generally
create a culture allowing MNCs to officially launch community development
projects in lieu of environmental remediation or payment of compensation to
persons affected by their operations. Just like in Nigeria’s oil-rich Niger
Delta region, it is common practice for MNCs to decline responsibility to
compensate and clean up the environment
in line with prevailing legal regimes, but instead, hurriedly go ahead to institute
a development project as though it is a form of charity for affected
communities. This approach is dysfunctional and obscures accountability in
several ways. For one, by denying responsibility, the victims who have suffered
environmental abuses are robbed of justice or restitution. In addition, it
leaves the matter of legal redress and compensation wholly to the good will of
the MNC. The MNC decides what to provide, how much to provide, and who to
provide it to. Some MNCs may sincerely wish to provide sustainable projects,
while others may merely wish to placate communities. Community members, with
little bargaining power and few resources, are often powerless to assert their
rights and challenge this impropriety.
Despite having a solid gold production of 935koz, all of the precious minerals ASA mines from
Obuasi are exported abroad! Except for the 12 % of local production by
artisanal miners, not a single ounce is reserved for domestic consumption! Millions
of exported slabs gold are shipped and processed abroad and a tiny fraction of
finished products are then imported back into the country to be sold at
shockingly prohibitive prices. This seems to be common place in Africa. In
Nigeria, the the constant under-performance of its ailing local refineries has
seen Nigerian crude exported and refined abroad, and then re-imported back into
the country as refined petroleum products. With increased local refining
capacity, the huge costs expended on exportation of crude oil, and buying back
of refined products will be eliminated. The savings can then be used for other
infrastructural projects, while petrol costs remain stable or even
cheaper. Democratic Republic of Congo is
another sad example where the totality of the country’s mineral resources has
been given away to foreign multinationals for a pittance.
Quite frankly, every blame of resource appropriation cannot be placed
at the door of the MNCs. After centuries of gold mining, one wonders aloud why
the Ghanaian government has never ever considered building own infrastructure
to locally process and refine its precious minerals and exporting refined
products abroad. In addition to being an economic regeneration and job-creation
strategy, this will reduce dependence on foreign personnel and technology and
bolster local content development in the mining sector. Same applies to Nigeria
and the DRC. Why aren’t African leaders thinking towards this direction? Why is
emphasis skewed on social and economic development rhetoric even if it is at
the price of enormous social dislocation and human suffering?
There are just so many questions begging for unavailable answers….
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